Legal History Book Review 139 Harv. L. Rev. 1342

“Alas”


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Maps have potency. . . . For better or for worse.

— Alan Moore & Eddie Campbell1

Introduction

Whether written or unwritten, young or old, constitutions can’t compel the construction of institutions or the enforcement of norms any more than maps can create fences, checkpoints, or border patrols. And yet constitutions are powerful; they produce effects.2 Constitutional power may take the form of physical force;3 directions that are regarded as legitimate;4 or concerted action by members of a political community.5 It may rarely register at all, as people define the politically possible with reference to constitutions without realizing it.6

Akhil Amar’s Born Equal is an effort to perpetuate the power of the Constitution of the United States. Amar describes his book as a “continu[ation of] a narrative” (p. 15) that will span three volumes (p. 612), and he never leaves his readers in doubt about why he thinks this story is worth telling. Amar believes that people in the United States would be better off following the Constitution — as he understands it — than doing something else (pp. 611–12). He also believes that those who revere the Constitution and advance arguments grounded in its original meaning and purpose are more likely to win the day (p. 620). It’s fitting that Amar’s book is full of maps (p. 618), as Amar’s project resembles that of leading nineteenth-century mapmakers: the forging of a national identity.7 For Amar, that identity is, and ought to be, grounded in what he labels “originalism” (p. 2).

Amar is an engaging writer and a splendid storyteller. Alas — to borrow one of Amar’s favorite interjections — even at 726 pages, Born Equal omits too much of importance. The result of Amar’s attempt to fit an entire century’s worth of American constitutionalism into a coherent narrative is never boring. But, ultimately, it reveals more about the mapmaker than the territory.

Born Equal is organized geographically (pp. vii–viii). Each chapter names one or more sites of constitutionally significant events (pp. vii–viii). And geography plays an important role in Amar’s narrative. It informs the constitutional decisionmaking of the central characters, and it embeds those characters and their decisions in the reader’s memory.

Maps never fully describe the world,8 and they’re made to serve human purposes.9 Neither the geographical maps that fill Amar’s pages nor his own map of a century’s worth of constitutional territory are drawn from normatively neutral vantage points. Accordingly, neither is my own map of Amar’s map. Part I focuses on place-situated discussions that illustrate Amar’s understanding of American constitutionalism as well as my misgivings about it. Part II critiques Amar’s map by following his geographical organization and showing readers just how much constitutional territory he fails to cover — and how complex, conflictual, and confounding to Amar’s narrative it is.

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Footnotes
  1. ^ From Hell ch. 4, at 19 (Knockabout Comics 2001) (1999) (emphasis added).

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  2. ^ See Martin Loughlin, Foundations of Public Law 25960 (2010). In defining power as the production of effects, I follow Loughlin in following Benedict de Spinoza. For further discussion on the distinction, see Sandra Leonie Field, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics 17–18 (2020). Field distinguishes between Spinoza’s concepts of potentia operandi — the “power of producing effects of whatever sort, for better or for worse,” id. at 18 — and potentia agendi, which is the power to produce effects through one’s “own nature” alone, id. at 17. The latter is normatively desirable, while the former is normatively neutral.

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  3. ^ See Robert M. Cover, Essay, Violence and the Word, 95 Yale L.J. 1601, 1606 (1986) (“Great issues of constitutional interpretation . . . clearly carry the seeds of violence (pain and death) at least from the moment that the understanding of the political texts become embedded in the institutional capacity to take collective action.”); id. at 1607 n.17 (noting that “[o]ur constitutional law, quite naturally enough, provides for the calibrated use of ascending degrees of overt violence”); see also, e.g., Mark Haugaard, The Four Dimensions of Power: Understanding Domination, Empowerment and Democracy 41 (2020) (describing the structural dimensions of the Iraqi and Spanish central governments’ using force to prevent recognition of regional independence movements).

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  4. ^ See Haugaard, supra note 3, at 41–42; Joseph Raz, The Authority of Law 28–29 (1979).

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  5. ^ See Hannah Arendt, On Violence 44, 52 (1970); Amy Allen, The Power of Feminist Theory: Domination, Resistance, Solidarity 75 (Routledge 2d ed. 2025) (1999) (quoting Arendt, supra, at 52).

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  6. ^ See Haugaard, supra note 3, at 203; Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View 25 (2d ed. 2005) (contending that “the bias of [a] system can be mobilized, recreated and reinforced in ways that are neither consciously chosen nor the intended result of particular individuals’ choices”).

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  7. ^ See generally Susan Schulten, Mapping the Nation: History and Cartography in Nineteenth-Century America (2012) (finding that mapmaking in colonial America flourished as a method of tracing national development).

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  8. ^ See Jorge Luis Borges, On Exactitude in Science, in Collected Fictions 325, 325 (Andrew Hurley trans., 1998) (Borges describes a fictional empire in which cartographers “struck a Map of the Empire whose size was that of the Empire.” Future generations then abandon it in the desert.).

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  9. ^ See Denis Wood with John Fels & John Krygier, Rethinking the Power of Maps 20 (2010).

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