Introduction
For much of the nineteenth century, victims of federal government misconduct pursued common law tort claims against responsible federal employees.1 But the framework for government tort litigation changed dramatically in the twentieth century. Congress adopted the Federal Tort Claims Act2 (FTCA), imposing vicarious liability on the federal government for some (but not all) torts committed by its officers and employees within the scope of their employment.3 Notably, the FTCA omitted many intentional tort claims from its coverage, leaving those matters to resolution under state common law.4 Then, in 1971, the Supreme Court recognized in Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Federal Bureau of Narcotics5 a federal judge-made right to seek damages for federal officials’ violations of the Fourth Amendment.6 Legislation adopted in 1974 extended the FTCA’s vicarious liability regime to the intentional torts of law enforcement officers.7 Victims of tortious misconduct can, at least in theory, sue the government under the FTCA for law enforcement torts and wrongdoing officers under the Bivens doctrine.8
While available in theory, these remedies often go missing in practice, as they did in Hernández v. Mesa,9 the Supreme Court’s cross-border shooting case from 2020.10 The latest decision in the Bivens line, Egbert v. Boule,11 confirms the Court’s reluctance to expand the rights of individuals to pursue constitutional tort claims against federal officials.12 The Egbert Court reiterated that its more recent decisions “instruct that, absent utmost deference to Congress’ preeminent authority in this area, the courts ‘arrogat[e] legislative power.’”13 Under this vision of the separation of powers, Congress (rather than the federal courts) must take the lead in authorizing individuals to enforce the federal Constitution, especially in suits against officers of the federal government. Bivens may survive in the context of federal policing and imprisonment but has no growing power.14 For example, the Egbert Court rejected (without dissent) a new claim for First Amendment retaliation.15
When coupled with gaps in the FTCA, the Court’s persistent refusal to expand the Bivens remedy has produced a series of notable remedial failures. When federal government officials unlawfully detain and torture individuals outside the United States, they almost invariably enjoy immunity from judicial oversight.16 Thus, suits to secure compensation for government torture committed during the Bush Administration’s war on terror have consistently run afoul of the territorial limits of the FTCA and the reluctance to fashion a Bivens remedy.17 Closer to home, scholars have observed that victims of sexual assault and battery in the federal workplace face severe obstacles in securing redress under either Bivens or the FTCA.18 Even a simple assault and battery claim, brought by a low-level employee who had been choked on the job by an aggressive superior, was consigned to the remedial abyss.19
Legislation, of course, might help.20 But in this Article, we argue that current law affords individuals a broad right to pursue tort-based redress, either against the federal government under the FTCA or against federal officers based on state common law. That argument runs headlong into Westfall Act21 immunity as it is currently understood.22 Adopted as an amendment to the FTCA in 1988, the Westfall Act provides that remedies available against the government under the FTCA shall be “exclusive,” thereby foreclosing suit against federal employees for common law negligence and other torts covered by the FTCA.23 The federal courts have broadly interpreted the Westfall Act as immunizing federal officers from liability for all tortious conduct committed within the scope of their employment.24 This entrenched reading often denies the aggrieved plaintiff redress against the government under the FTCA and against the responsible federal official at common law.25
We make the novel argument that broad Westfall Act immunity rests on a fundamental misreading of the statute. The text of the Westfall Act specifies official immunity only for claims that implicate the government’s vicarious liability under the FTCA, rather than for claims that arise within the scope of the official’s employment. Where the claim in question falls outside the scope of the government’s vicarious liability under the FTCA, the statute’s exclusivity and preclusion provisions do not come into play to bar employee liability. The FTCA thus presumes that state common law will continue to provide a viable right to sue federal officials for tort claims that fail to implicate the subject matter of the FTCA.26 As a corollary to its text-based reluctance to “[r]ais[e] up” rights to sue through implied rights of action,27 the Supreme Court should also refrain from recognizing a broad Westfall Act immunity that the statute itself does not confer.
We develop our argument for the current availability of common law redress in three parts. Part I sketches the changing role of tort-based remediation, from a nineteenth-century model of assured redress to a modern regime in which remedial gaps have gained broader acceptance in the law and scholarship. After describing the common law system of the nineteenth century, Part I shows that such redress still has a role to play in addressing positive government wrongs. Tort law furnishes remedies for a range of government misconduct that the Bivens doctrine and the FTCA do not address.28 Such remedies could, in proper cases, trigger a constitutional test of the government’s activities. Engaging with the paradigmatic work of Professors Richard Fallon and Daniel Meltzer, which argues for a system of remedies sufficient to keep the government mostly within the bounds of the law most of the time,29 Part I argues that assured tort-based remediation can supplement systemic remediation without disrupting the balance of constitutional right and remedy that Fallon and Meltzer would preserve.
Part II argues that current law, correctly read, furthers assured redress by preserving the right of individuals to pursue tort claims against either the federal government or its responsible officers and employees. While the Westfall Act confers some official immunity, the language in question limits the scope of the FTCA’s exclusivity, and, by extension, the scope of the officer’s statutory immunity, to claims brought against federal officers “by reason of the same subject matter” as an FTCA claim against the United States.30 These terms of art operate to restrict the Westfall Act immunity to the very matters on which the federal government has accepted vicarious liability; when a tort claim does not implicate the FTCA directly or arise from or relate to an FTCA claim, the statute provides no warrant for its displacement. Federal officers remain personally liable for non-FTCA intentional torts committed within the scope of their employment, despite the present judicial consensus to the contrary.31
Part III describes the systemic implications of restoring federal officer liability for intentional torts committed on the job. Common law presumptively subjects federal officers to suits brought in any court with jurisdiction, subject only to any defenses or immunities conferred by federal law.32 The transitory tort doctrine ensures that many victims of wrongdoing outside the United States can sue for redress inside the United States, in any court where the tortfeasor can be found.33 Such redress traditionally extended to claims that implicated foreign relations and national security concerns.34 Indeed, nineteenth-century jurists made it quite clear that such concerns were matters for the legislative and executive branches to address through indemnification, while the courts focused on issues of legality.35 Officer suits can also provide authority for adjudication of constitutional challenges to government programs that the Bivens doctrine can no longer furnish.36
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* Owen L. Coon Professor of Law, Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law. We thank Zach Clopton, Dick Fallon, John Goldberg, Paul Gowder, Vicki Jackson, Andrew Kent, John McGinnis, Randy Milch, Henry Monaghan, Alex Reinert, Joanna Schwartz, David Shapiro, Greg Sisk, and the public law workshops of Indiana, Michigan, and Northwestern law schools, for comments on an early draft. We thank the Northwestern Law faculty fund and senior research program for supporting this endeavor. For any remaining mistakes, omissions, and positive authorial wrongs, we accept full responsibility.
** J.D. Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law, 2022. Thanks to Kimberly Sheehan and my family for their endless support and encouragement.