The First Amendment right to freedom of speech is a guarantee that audiences will be confronted with messages they oppose. As a consequence, the protection of this individual freedom is often pitted against society’s interest in keeping the peace. This conflict is heightened in the public school context. Recently, in Dariano v. Morgan Hill Unified School District,1 the Ninth Circuit refused to reconsider en banc a ruling that high school administrators did not violate students’ First Amendment rights by prohibiting them from wearing American flag emblems during a Cinco de Mayo celebration in order to prevent violence against those students. The court did so over the dissent of Judge O’Scannlain,2 who criticized the ruling as enacting a “heckler’s veto” in the school speech context and thereby allowing students to use the government to suppress speech they disagree with.3 Yet importing the heckler’s veto doctrine4 as it presently exists into the school context would provide little guidance for school administrators attempting to respond to disruptive student speech. The precise dictates of the doctrine are unsettled and the unique circumstances of the school setting introduce distinct concerns not present in the police context.
On May 5, 2010, Live Oak High School in Morgan Hill, California, held its annual Cinco de Mayo celebration, honoring “the pride and community strength of the Mexican people.”5 When a group of Caucasian students arrived wearing shirts bearing American flag emblems, several students, including some of Mexican descent,6 expressed concerns to Assistant Principal Rodriguez that the shirts would lead to a physical altercation.7 The school had a “history of violence among students, some gang-related and some drawn along racial lines.”8 Rodriguez directed the students to either turn their shirts inside out or take them off, explaining that he was concerned for their safety.9 When the students refused to do either, he required they return home for the day with an excused absence.10 The students subsequently received numerous threats, causing their parents to keep them home from school the following two days.11
These students, through their parents acting as guardians, brought suit against the school district as well as Principal Boden and Assistant Principal Rodriguez in their official and individual capacities.12 They alleged that the school had violated their “federal and California constitutional rights to freedom of expression and their federal constitutional rights to equal protection and due process.”13 The district court disposed of all claims, holding that the school officials “did not violate the students’ federal or state constitutional rights.”14
The Ninth Circuit affirmed. Writing for the panel, Judge McKeown15 analyzed the students’ claims under Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District,16 which famously established that students do not “shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”17 Tinker held that schools may suppress student speech only when it “materially disrupts classwork or involves substantial disorder or invasion of the rights of others.”18 In order “to ‘justify prohibition of a particular expression of opinion,’ school officials ‘must be able to show that [their] action was caused by something more than a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.’”19
Judge McKeown distinguished the facts of Dariano from those of Tinker, finding that it was reasonable for Live Oak officials to determine that the students’ shirts constituted a threat of substantial disturbance.20 Moreover, she noted that Live Oak administrators had neither punished the students nor enforced a blanket ban on American flag apparel, and had thereby distinguished among students based on perceived threat level, rather than by viewpoint.21 As a result, she determined, their conduct was appropriately tailored to preventing violence.22
Describing the court’s role as reviewing “with deference[] schools’ decisions in connection with the safety of their students,”23 Judge McKeown defined the determinative inquiry as “not whether the threat of violence was real, but only whether it was ‘reasonable for [the school] to proceed as though [it were].’”24 Finding that “both the specific events of May 5, 2010, and the pattern of which those events were a part made it reasonable for school officials to proceed as though the threat of a potentially violent disturbance was real,” the court held that the school officials had not acted unconstitutionally under either the First Amendment or the California Constitution.25
Petitioners filed a motion requesting rehearing en banc, and the Ninth Circuit voted to deny the petition. Dissenting from the denial, Judge O’Scannlain argued that the panel’s decision violates a bedrock principle of First Amendment law — the heckler’s veto doctrine,26 which holds that an audience’s hostile response to a speaker they disagree with cannot serve as cause for silencing the speaker.27 Judge O’Scannlain asserted that the panel’s opinion “misinterprets Tinker’s own language, [Ninth Circuit] precedent, and the law of [other] circuits . . . [by] claim[ing] that the source of the threatened violence at Live Oak is irrelevant.”28 The dissent condemned the panel’s failure to require school officials to stop the source of the threat, and for accepting the “more ‘readily-available’ solution . . . [of] silencing the target.”29
The dissent read Tinker as “counsel[ing] directly against the [panel’s] outcome[,] . . . explain[ing] that students’ speech . . . cannot be silenced merely because those who disagree with it ‘may start an argument or cause a disturbance.’”30 Judge O’Scannlain argued that because the speech did not fall within the well-recognized exceptions for “fighting words,”31 speech that is “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action,”32 or that constitutes a “true threat,”33 “‘the government may not give weight to the audience’s negative reaction’ as a basis for suppressing [it].”34
The panel’s opinion, the dissent claimed, establishes the “perverse incentive”35 that the “heckler’s veto doctrine seeks to avoid”36 — sending students the “clear message . . . [that] by threatening violence against those with whom you disagree, you can enlist the power of the State to silence them.”37 While the disfavored speech at issue in this case was the display of an American flag, he warned that “[t]he next case might be a student wearing a shirt bearing the image of Che Guevara, or Martin Luther King, Jr., or Pope Francis.”38 Irrespective of the viewpoint being expressed, Judge O’Scannlain cautioned, the panel’s opinion allows “[t]he demands of bullies [to] become school policy.”39 The dissent accordingly would have held that “the reaction of other students to the student speaker is not a legitimate basis for suppressing student speech.”40
The panel amended its opinion in response, recognizing the potential heckler’s veto concern presented by the district’s action, but concluding that “the language of Tinker and the school setting . . . [do not] require school officials to precisely identify the source of a violent threat before taking readily-available steps to quell the threat.”41 Judge McKeown argued that doing so “would burden officials’ ability to protect the students in their charge — a particularly salient concern in an era of rampant school violence, much of it involving guns, other weapons, or threats on the internet.”42
Instead, although the panel acknowledged that the argument that the relevant disruption occurred only because of “wrongful behavior of third parties” might condemn the suppression of speech outside the school context, it concluded that the claim “ignores the special characteristics of the school environment.”43 It determined, rather, that “the Tinker rule is guided by a school’s need to protect its learning environment and its students, and courts generally inquire only whether the potential for substantial disruption is genuine.”44
The tension between the opinions highlights the lack of guidance provided by the Supreme Court with regard to how schools may respond to Tinker-qualifying disturbances. But in charging that the panel did not require the school to tailor its response in a way that sufficiently addressed the problem of the heckler’s veto, Judge O’Scannlain failed to propose a realistic standard by which schools could be guided.45 Nor does a readily available standard that could be imported into the school speech realm appear to exist. The requirements of the heckler’s veto doctrine generally remain unclear, and moreover, the unique circumstances presented in the school setting make a test appropriate for the police context ill suited for the student speech domain.
First Amendment doctrine has long struggled to strike the appropriate balance between protecting speech rights and maintaining order. While the Supreme Court has generally maintained that the heckler’s veto is not a legitimate rationale for suppressing speech,46 the demands of that doctrine remain in dispute.47 It is fairly clear that government may not place prior restraints on speech in order to prevent disorder,48 and that where suppressing the violent response is an available option, officials may not choose instead to silence the speaker.49 But where simply restraining the heckler is for some reason not possible, the heckler’s veto doctrine provides no definite guide. Courts have not typically held that police must “go down with the speaker.”50 But decisions have run the gamut in their understanding of how far the government must go in an effort to protect offensive speech. Do police simply need to take “reasonable action” to protect the speaker,51 censoring him only where “objectively necessary,”52 or must they go so far as to bring in the National Guard?53 Merely rejecting the heckler’s veto does not provide sufficient guidance for the response of those entrusted with protecting both the speech and the speaker.
Beyond the ambiguity of the heckler’s veto doctrine, schools and their administration present a different dynamic than does policing speech on public streets. Since Tinker, the Supreme Court has consistently recognized that “the constitutional rights of students in public school are not automatically coextensive with the rights of adults in other settings,”54 and are in fact circumscribed “in light of the special characteristics of the school environment.”55 Two government interests at play in the school context are particularly divergent from those relevant to police on public streets.
First, the imperative of protecting students from violence within the school environment, no matter the source, cannot be overstated. While police too are concerned with maintaining peace, the level and risk of violence tolerable in the school setting is markedly lower than in society at large. Violence has been shown to impede the educational process.56 Moreover, because school attendance is compelled, students are not able to remove themselves, or be as easily removed, from the situation. Accordingly, the duty to protect them from harm is arguably heightened in this environment. And the panel correctly noted that in the school context, focusing solely on the source of the disturbance, rather than on the most efficient method of removing or preventing it, can be unacceptably costly.57 Adolescents are prone to violence and conflict among them tends to escalate rapidly.58 As a result, administrators may have to act quickly and with little information in order to ensure student safety. Moreover, students in schools are repeat players. Usually, the speaker and the heckler in the school environment can expect to see one another every day, year after year. For this reason, simply curtailing or preventing violence on one occasion is unlikely to fully resolve the issue. An appropriate standard must account for a school’s need to make in-the-moment decisions to prevent tragedies, and for administrators’ superior knowledge of their students and the situation.
Second, the nature of government involvement differs in the police and school contexts. The primary duty for police is reactive, namely protecting individuals from having their rights intruded on by one another. In contrast, state governments often have an affirmative responsibility to educate students.59 The principal interest in the academic environment is to accomplish this goal, and it is reasonable for schools to take greater latitude in limiting disruptive speech in order to accomplish it than the government can take elsewhere.
For these reasons, courts have traditionally given school administrators wide leave in determining how to best accomplish the goals of student safety and education.60 It is essential in the speech context as well that the individuals most competent to ensure these obligations are met be given the deference necessary to do so effectively. Accordingly, it simply is not practical to forbid schools from ever suppressing speech, as Judge O’Scannlain seems to advocate, when doing so is the only reasonable means of preventing a Tinker-qualifying disturbance. Nor is it sufficient to import the amorphous standard of the heckler’s veto doctrine into the school context. In order to address the problem of the heckler’s veto in the regulation of student speech, courts must provide school administrators and reviewing courts with a clear and realistic standard by which to guide their response.
To reject the heckler’s veto in the school context is a worthy goal. Allowing the will of other students to proscribe student speech has implications far beyond the Cinco de Mayo celebration at Live Oak — not two months after the opinion was published, another California high school banned students’ “I Can’t Breathe” shirts, worn as a display of solidarity with a national movement protesting police brutality, in order to avoid a possible disruptive response from community members.61 However, developing an effective standard for administrator response under Tinker requires balancing the protection of students’ right to free expression and school officials’ need to impart knowledge upon and prevent violence against their students.62 While the exact dictates of an appropriate standard are not readily apparent, it is clear that any effective test would require a more nuanced approach than was presented by the dissent.